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‘Straight up evil': Harry Reid admits to despicable, baseless attacks on Mitt Romney during presidential campaign

by Glenn Beck Program Wednesday, Apr 1, 2015 at 12:59 PM EDT Share This Tweet This On his way to retirement, Harry Reid still can’t muster up an ounce of class from within. When asked if he regretted lobbing baseless accusations against Mitt Romney in which he implied the GOP candidate cheated on his taxes, the outgoing Senator scoffed at the question and said ‘it worked, didn’t it?’. What a guy. Back during the 2012 presidential campaign, Reid was on the Senate floor when he accused Romney of not paying taxes. “Let [Mitt Romney] prove that he has paid taxes. Because he hasn’t,” he said. CNN’s Dana Bash brought up the incident with the retiring senator. “I don’t regret that at all. The Koch brothers. No one would help me. They were afraid the Koch brothers would go after them. So I did it on my own,” Reid said. “So no regrets, not about Mitt Romney about the Koch brothers. Some people have even called it McCarthyite,” asked Dana Bash. “Well, they can call it whatever they want. Romney didn’t win, did he?” Reid said. Wow.

“Ends justify the means. Saul Alinsky. Let’s give the tip of a hat to the first radical, Satan. I mean, that is evil,” Glenn said. “It’s evil. And what’s amazing about it, really, I haven’t heard anything about this. We accept this. We accept this. This is a guy who claims to be a religious guy. We accept it.” “I hope they’re listening to that in the church office in Salt Lake City. Because that is unbelievable. That is flat-out bearing false witness against your brother. And being proud of it. He’s proud of it.,” Pat said. Glenn was so angry over the audio he had to change topics before he said something inappropriate for air.




Jan. 8, 2015 7:04 p.m. ET
Wall Street Journal
Were anyone wondering how Sen. Harry Reid intended to manage life in the minority, it took one day of the 114th Congress to get the answer: Exactly as he did in the majority. Republicans would be wise to understand what he’s up to.

The Senate these past four years has been a supermassive black hole—a place where everything good went to die. The chamber was designed as a forum for debate, amendments, deliberation and coalition-building. Mr. Reid instead wielded it as a means of party protection—using its many procedural tools to block every bill, and to shield his members and the Obama White House from tough issues.

And while he isn’t officially running the Senate anymore, he’s still running on a Senate dysfunction agenda. New Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has vowed to restore the place to “regular order,” though he recently got a taste of how hard that might prove. Mr. Reid this week again accused the former Republican minority of “gratuitous obstruction and wanton filibustering,” and vowed such tactics would not “be a hallmark of a Democratic minority.” He then proceeded to unleash all the obstruction and filibustering in Christendom to slow Mr. McConnell ’s first priority: authorization of the Keystone XL pipeline.

Tuesday morning—the first day of session—assistant Democratic leader Sen. Dick Durbin took to the floor to formally object to the Senate Energy Committee even holding a hearing on the pipeline, despite Republicans having charitably arranged for even opponents of the project to testify. Having tanked that hearing, Mr. Reid’s office turned around and publicly complained Mr. McConnell wasn’t sticking to his promise to hold a hearing and report the bill out of committee. This was doubly rich, coming from a former Senate leader who barely acknowledged committees existed.

Democrats have meanwhile indicated they intend to filibuster the Keystone bill at every turn. They’ll demand 30 hours of debate here, 30 hours there. And nearly every Democratic office is already busy writing dozens of amendments to the bill—a few designed to embarrass Republicans, though plenty aimed at wasting time. “Republicans have promised an open amendment process, and that is exactly what they’re going to get,” crowed Rhode Island Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, who voted on only about 20 amendments over the past 20 months. That was all Mr. Reid allowed.

The obvious explanation for all this stonewalling is that the vast majority of a liberal Democratic caucus doesn’t agree with GOP priorities and doesn’t want to see Republican legislation pass. Then again, most of the bills Republicans are starting with have bipartisan support and are destined for the president’s desk. So why all the Democratic rigmarole?

The reality is that Mr. Reid has a compelling interest in ordering his members to keep the Senate looking like a circus. He spent the past four years telling the American public that nothing got done under him because Republicans were obstructionist and because the Senate was “broken.” The “broken” point he even used as an excuse to blow up the filibuster for presidential nominations.

If Mr. McConnell is successful in using regular order (including debate, amendments, conference work, the filibuster) to begin methodically moving bills to Mr. Obama’s desk, that blows up the Reid story line. It exposes Democrats as the real obstructionists of the past years, even as it proves the GOP is able to get things done. Mr. Reid can’t let that happen.

The minority leader also has a more personal interest in keeping the Senate balled up: his own credibility within his party. Mr. Reid spent the past years assuring his members his Senate shutdown was protecting them from tough votes—a strategy that backfired phenomenally in the recent midterm election. Vulnerable Senate Democrats had nothing positive to show for their time in the chamber, and were instead tagged with the label of Obama lackeys.

Mr. McConnell is betting an honest committee process and a freewheeling amendment system will induce some Democrats to buy-in to legislation—allowing them to take credit back home for getting something done and for crafting bills in ways that benefit their states. Mr. Reid, who already came under fire from some of his members for his lockdown approach, would rather those members not realize there is a better way. Could be they might just want a different, more productive, leader going forward.

These Reid motivations, however, only underline how wise Mr. McConnell was to promise to return to regular order, and how important it is that Senate Republicans soldier on with it. The process will be frustrating, slow and at times risky. But done right, this will be more than just an opportunity for Republicans to outline a vision. It will be their opportunity to show that the Senate as an institution can work—at least under GOP care. That, too, will be crucial if they want to keep it in 2016.

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Dirty Harry Reid Tries to Pick GOP Candidates

Republicans need to respond to the falsehoods propagated by his Senate Majority PAC attack ads.
To understand how Democrats plan to hold the Senate, consider President Obama’s claim about the Affordable Care Act: “If you like your plan, you can keep your plan.” Why did he so often say something that wasn’t true?

In 2009 and early 2010, he made this false promise to pass the Affordable Care Act. It’s unlikely every congressional Democrat would have voted for it if their constituents knew the truth. And from March 2010 through November 2012, he said it to get re-elected. If voters knew what was coming, more Democrats would have lost, and perhaps even the president himself.

The lesson many Democrats seem to have taken away is that the benefits of misleading voters outweigh the downsides. At least that view seems to be guiding Democrats in the battle for the Senate, especially the work of Majority Leader Harry Reid’s Senate Majority PAC.
Consider Republican Congressman Tom Cotton, who is challenging Arkansas Sen. Mark Pryor. A Senate Majority PAC ad claimed Mr. Cotton “got paid handsomely working for insurance companies.” Actually, the management consultants McKinsey & Company employed Mr. Cotton. The Afghanistan and Iraq veteran’s only work involving insurance was helping the Federal Housing Administration to improve services, including insurance, for companies that finance apartment construction. His annual salary was $85,000. But Democrats are determined to portray Mr. Cotton as a rich tool of insurance companies, no matter how many lies are involved.

Senate Majority PAC also ran an ad implying that Louisiana Republican Senate hopeful Bill Cassidy was part of “the fight to let flood insurance premiums soar, helping the insurance companies and cut off hurricane relief for Louisiana families.” In reality, Rep. Cassidy and several other Republican congressmen from coastal regions proposed an amendment that kept flood-insurance premiums from rising. The idea that a congressman from the state hit by Katrina would “cut off hurricane relief” is absurd.

Campaigns often make shaky claims, but these Democratic ads are flat-out falsehoods. Republicans have an opportunity to counterpunch powerfully. Many Republican candidates are doing so, diminishing the credibility of Democrats while offering a governing agenda for the middle class. GOP candidates must be disciplined and have the resources to fight back.

Democrats are hoping to repeat 2010 and 2012, when opportunities for GOP pickups were squandered by weak Republican candidates, such as Todd Akin in Missouri and Richard Mourdock in Indiana. Democrats and their super PACs are spending money in 2014 Republican primaries to defeat the strongest candidate in the field.

For example, the Put Alaska First PAC boosting Sen. Mark Begich’s re-election received 82% of its money from Harry Reid’s Senate Majority PAC. In turn, Put Alaska First attacked Dan Sullivan, the GOP front-runner, for owning a home in Maryland, suggesting he was not an Alaskan.

American Crossroads (a group I helped organize) replied with an ad featuring former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. She explained Mr. Sullivan’s family had a home in suburban D.C. when, as a decorated Marine, he was stationed at the White House and then, after two tours in the Middle East, returned to serve as assistant secretary of state. The ad also reinforced his record as Alaska’s attorney general and Natural Resources Commissioner.

In North Carolina, Senate Majority PAC wants to keep North Carolina House Speaker Thom Tillis from winning 40% in the May 6 Republican primary and force him into an expensive runoff. It has unleashed a $973,000 attack on Mr. Tillis over the 2012 resignations of two of his legislative aides caught having affairs. This is more than all seven of Mr. Tillis’s GOP primary opponents are spending on ads, combined.

Left unanswered, these Democratic attacks might work. But if addressed effectively, they are unlikely to prevail. GOP candidates should ask Republican primary voters if they really want Harry Reid, smear artist extraordinaire, picking their nominees.

Democrats may also hope their attacks cause voters to stay home. This worked in 2012, when months spent bashing Mitt Romney’s career at Bain and his wealth caused the number of presidential voters to decline for the first time in 16 years. Many who didn’t vote were disposed to Mr. Romney.

The Romney campaign didn’t respond, feeling that if they were responding they were losing. But responding often means demolishing your opponent’s credibility while establishing yours by offering voters better ideas and a brighter future. Candidates who identify with the concerns of voters while Democrats try to alienate them may help the GOP remove Mr. Reid as Senate majority leader this fall.

Mr. Rove, a former deputy chief of staff to President George W. Bush, helped organize the political-action committee American Crossroads.

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